March 9, 2020
Constitutional Cynicism
There seems to be much confusion and little
consensus on any political issue at present, so I suppose that it shouldn’t be
surprising that the Constitution has become controversial, at least in some
circles. The cover of an issue of Harper’s
a few months back asked, “Do We Need the Constitution?” The article’s title put the question this
way: “Constitution In Crisis: Has America’s founding document become the
nation’s undoing?” I have thought that
our problems regarding the Constitution are that Trump is ignoring it and the
Roberts Court is misinterpreting it.
More sophisticated minds see deeper issues. The magazine assembled a panel to “consider the constitutional
crisis of the twenty-first century,” and published its discussion. Because most of the panel’s comments are
surprisingly negative, and because the panelists presumably are knowledgeable
about the Constitution, I have quoted them at length.
The editorial introduction described agitation that
I somehow have missed:
America’s Constitution was once
celebrated as a radical and successful blueprint for democratic governance, a
model for fledgling republics across the world. But decades of political
gridlock, electoral corruption, and dysfunction in our system of government
have forced scholars, activists, and citizens to question the document’s
ability to address the thorniest issues of modern political
life.
That led to consideration of remedies:
Does the path out of our current
era of stalemate, minority rule, and executive abuse require amending the
Constitution? Do we need a new constitutional convention to rewrite the
document and update it for the twenty-first century? Should we abolish it
entirely?
Some of the issues listed are not Constitutional in
nature; the reference to executive
abuse and the suggestion that the Constitution be abolished are contradictory;
what is unique about the current century?
That lack of clear focus carried over into the discussion.1
The moderator, Rosa Brooks, struck a provocative
note:
Let me tell a story about what I
do in my constitutional law classes at Georgetown. In the very first session, I
say to my students, “The United States has the oldest continually operative written
constitution in the world. How do you feel about that?” . . . After everybody
has a chance to talk about how great it is that the United States has this
very, very old written constitution, I ask them how they would feel if their
neurosurgeon used the world’s oldest neurosurgery guide, or if NASA used the
world’s oldest astronomical chart to plan space-shuttle flights, and they all
get quiet.
(The students apparently are too polite to point
out how meaningless the comparison is). She continued, offering a variation on
the theme which at least avoided dubious analogies:
How did it happen that the United
States, which was born in a moment of bloody revolution out of a conviction
that every generation had the right to change its form of government, developed
a culture that so many years later is weirdly hidebound when it comes to its
form of government, reveres this piece of paper as if it had been handed by God
out of a burning bush, and treats the Constitution as more or less sacred? Is
it really such a good thing to have a document written almost 250 years ago
still be viewed as binding us in some way?
In what way are we “weirdly hidebound” as to our
form of government? What form does she advocate?
To my knowledge, an every-generation theory was not
espoused by the Founders, apart from Jefferson, who did not participate in
writing the Constitution. Never mind;
he’s the authority, according to David Law: “Thomas Jefferson would be rolling
over in his grave. He thought that every generation should rewrite the
Constitution. It should be revised every nineteen years.” Then another
misplaced analogy: “here we are, bragging about the fact that we’re running
Windows 1.0.” Our ancient operating
system is in such bad shape that “we have these nine superannuated people —
Supreme Court justices — appointed for life to keep patching it.” I’ll applaud nearly any criticism of the current
Court, but “patching” doesn’t describe its work.
Analogies are useful to illustrate or liven up a
discussion, but overuse suggests that the argument is weak, and here came
another: “This is a little like the inhabitants of a really old apartment
building pledging their undying loyalty and allegiance to a blueprint that must
never be changed, and so when you want to renovate your bathroom people dig out
the blueprint and ask themselves whether the bathroom renovation is in
accordance with the spirit of the blueprint.”
According to Louis Michael Seidman, the
Constitution is illegitimate. The
delegates to the Philadelphia convention had been sent there to amend the
Articles of Confederation. Instead,
they drafted a new document. “So, from
the beginning, the Constitution was in some sense illegal. It’s a neat trick to
get from that to a time when people feel bound to respect the document.” The neat trick was ratification.
To Mary Ann Franks, the Founders committed
fraud.
We have not, as a country, fully
confronted the fraudulent nature of the Constitution and the founding itself.
The revolutionary spirit was always, from the very beginning, a limited one. It
was a revolution for some people, and this idea that we threw off the yoke of
tyranny was immediately constrained by the idea that you didn’t want to throw
it off too much. The founders didn’t want to throw it off for slaves, and they
didn’t want to throw it off for women. They wanted to have this very contained
revolution.
The Constitution indeed did not empower women or
free slaves. Do we throw the document
out? That seems to be the implication:
The mythology is that there is
this grand moment of revolution, when we decide that we stand for equality and
justice and all the rest of it. But we also know that the mythology includes
all these asterisks, because the people who made all those decisions were the
most privileged members of society, and even though they sought, for
themselves, not to be oppressed and not to be exploited, they immediately
denied that right to everybody else. . . . [W]e have lived with this mythology
for so long, and we don’t quite experience the cognitive dissonance that it
ought to generate within us, because every word of the Constitution — starting
from this premise of “we the people” — is a lie.
That conclusion is nonsense, and as to the argument
that the founding documents are fraudulent, or hypocritical, consider the very
different, and much more useful, attitude of Martin Luther King, Jr.: “When the
architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and
the Declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which
every American was to fall heir.”2
Progress is possible. Progress
can be guided by principles not fully honored when laid down, but nonetheless
valid.
However, there is yet another problem; Lawrence
Lessig thinks that the Constitution has been captured by “experts,” who somehow keep it out of the
reach of ordinary folk. “There is a huge gap between the kind of democracy
people want and the kind the Constitution and our political culture currently
allow for.” He added later:
When there have been
constitutional, grassroots movements, movements that have tried to say, “We
should be involved in making our Constitution reflect us,” there have been
organized efforts, on the left especially, to say, “Shut up. Get out. This is
not for you; it’s for the experts. It would be disastrous if the people got
close to touching their own Constitution! It would be chaos.”
I can’t say that his history is familiar to me, but
here’s the conclusion he draws from it: “Do you expect people to rally around a
document that has no connection to the democracy of today, or yesterday, or
even forty years ago?” Are people that
estranged from the Constitution, or is that a projection of the cynical views
of the panel?
Never mind; the Constitution, in addition to its
other shortcomings, is irrelevant. Ms.
Brooks, faced with a ploy by Trump, would respond:
Why would that [whether or not
it’s constitutional] change anything for anyone? If we think something is evil
and a bad idea, then it’s evil and a bad idea without regard to whether or not
it is constitutional. Why should that have any relevance to a set of policy
questions and moral questions that the United States is facing
now?
Just say it’s evil and a bad idea and the problem
will go away; no authority need be cited.
Here’s a more sensible view, by Donna Edwards:I think part of the reason that
today feels like a crisis is because the legislative branch is not
functioning. . . . And maybe it’s
because I come out of the legislative branch, but it pains me to see Congress
in such inertia that it gets in the way of us trying to at least preserve the
elements and spirit of a Constitution that I think does bind people to a set of
shared ideals, whether or not they know the details.
Ms. Franks later took a more measured approach than
in her opening statement, having discovered a part of the constitution that,
apparently, is not a lie:[T]here’s a constant tension
between whether you can try to dismantle a bad practice from the inside or if
you have to blow up the whole thing and start over. . . . The position that
I’ve taken as a preliminary step is to think, “Well, is there anything in the
Constitution that is meaningful here, in a larger sense?” And for me I think
the Fourteenth Amendment’s equal protection clause is where a lot of our
efforts might be focused and energies spent.
However, having said earlier that the entire
Constitution is a lie, and now having focused on one provision, she proceeded
to offer this:
The way politicians and
legislators interpret and use the Constitution today is like taking a scripture
and using all the parts that validate the way they want to see the world and
ignoring everything else. Because if we took the Constitution seriously as a
whole, then we could have a lot of interesting discussions.
Perhaps Mr. Seidman was as baffled by all that as I
am, for he then suggested a way to preserve the Constitution, but not be
required to analyze it:
Maybe the right way to think
about the Constitution is not as a legal document at all, not as a lease or a
will or something like that. Instead, think of it as poetry. As a poem, or
symphony. And if you think about it that way, it can be a symbol that unites
the country. . . . Now, nobody would say that you have an obligation to obey a
poem or a symphony; you can be inspired by it. . . . It causes us to have
certain emotions, but you don’t obey a poem. And poetry doesn’t settle
arguments. We can all be inspired by the same poem and reach different
conclusions about what we ought to do.
We could set it to music.
Lessig noted a flaw in that theory: “But the
problem is that we have a president who treats it like a poem, or a dirty
limerick—he treats it like something he doesn’t have to respect or follow, and
I don’t think that’s a good idea.”
That should have put the discussion onto a more constructive track, but
Seidman was undeterred:
The very last way we want to
confront Trump is with the Constitution as a legal text. That is a way of
turning this argument over to lawyers, to people with technical expertise, who
are elites, who are arguing about things like, “Gee whiz, what is the exact
meaning of the word ‘emolument’ in the eighteenth century, and how does it
relate to foreign powers?” and a lot of stuff that is beside the point when it
comes to Trump.
Trump’s violation of the Constitution hardly is
beside the point, and blaming “elites” is another sign of a weak argument.
Mr. Lessig properly dismissed it: “There is no ‘the
problem’ with Trump. There are many problems with Trump. And one of the
problems is that he is violating the core anti-corruption principle inside our
Constitution as it’s supposed to constrain him.” However, he returned immediately to his argument that the
Constitution doesn’t belong to the people.
“I am happy to have one hundred lawyers go and try to take that on, but
that doesn’t address the larger problem, which is, ‘How do we bring the
Constitution to a place where people feel like it’s theirs again?’ And the only
way we get there is to imagine a process for changing it.”
Ms. Edwards provided an example of the supposedly
absent popular connection to the Constitution.
Her reference was the Supreme Court’s decision in Citizens
United. She had proposed
a Constitutional amendment to reverse it.
It took several years from almost
no one signing on to every single Democrat being in favor of an amendment to
deal with the problem of money in politics. And I don’t think that was a sea
change brought about by legislators. It was a sea change that was brought about
by people in communities who were tired of the system. There is a willingness
on the part of the people to change the Constitution for the better, to bring
it more in line with democratic principles.
The trashing of the Constitution continued. Mr. Law saw “Americans trapped within a box,
unable to transcend the constitutionalist way of thinking. Countries actually
don’t need written constitutions. The United Kingdom doesn’t really have a
constitution.” However, that’s not
so. The UK Supreme Court recently
declared the prorogue of Parliament engineered by Boris Johnson to be
invalid. It described the situation as
follows:
Although the United Kingdom does
not have a single document entitled “The Constitution”, it nevertheless
possesses a Constitution, established over the course of our history by common
law, statutes, conventions and practice. Since it has not been codified, it has
developed pragmatically, and remains sufficiently flexible to be capable of further
development. Nevertheless, it includes numerous principles of law, which are
enforceable by the courts in the same way as other legal principles. In giving
them effect, the courts have the responsibility of upholding the values and
principles of our constitution and
making them effective.3
That is a “constitutionalist way of thinking.” As one commentator put it, “In essence, what
the Supreme Court decided . . . is that the UK does, after all, have a real
constitution that its prime minister has a legal obligation to obey.”4
Law went a step further:
To be honest, I think America
might be better off as a monarchy. In Canada, you have a symbolic king or
queen—a nonpartisan head of state onto whom people can attach their
loyalties—alongside elected leaders, who actually do the hard work, and then
you can criticize the government and the constitution without appearing to be
disloyal or a bad citizen. And we don’t have that. In America, people declare
their loyalty to this ancient document instead.
That doesn’t make sense, even superficially.
He conceded this much: “If you’re in a
revolutionary moment and you need to decide on a new set of arrangements, which
is where we were in the late eighteenth century, then okay. A constitution is
helpful.” Seidman disagreed:
I don’t think we need the
Constitution even in times of change. We need to forget about constitutionalism
entirely. Or at least forget about the constitutionalism of rules and detail—of
arguing over what exactly the framers meant in this or that passage. . . . What keeps the country together, in the end,
isn’t the Constitution. It is a bunch of sub-constitutional or
extra-constitutional norms about behavior, things like “you don’t default on
the national debt,” or “you don’t say we’re just going to block any Supreme
Court justice who is nominated.”
If that’s the principle, we’re in trouble. Neither
of the supposed rules is honored by Republicans.
Lessig responded: “It’s one thing to say we can fix
it by just imagining our norms to be in the right place, but I think a lot of
people have been imagining norms and not getting very far.” He again expressed his concern that the
“Constitution is not producing a democracy that’s responsive to the people. And
that is a gap that we have to find a way to fix.” Later he gave some general substance to his remarks by referring
to a “corrupted process for selecting our representatives and our president,”
but he provided no details, perhaps because he despaired of amending the
Constitution. He advocated calling a
constitutional convention under Article V, which sounds democratic, but would
be a circus and faces super-majority problems, just as amendment does.
In arguing against that. Seidman improved on his
theory of extra-constitutional norms: “What keeps the country together—to the
extent it is still together—is a much looser sense that we’re all in this
together, that we sink or swim together, and some very loose ideas about
tolerance and equality. If you try to put that into a legal text, things are
going to come apart at the seams.” I
see no basis for the last comment, but it’s true that a sense of being in it
together is not primarily a legal issue; ultimately it is one of leadership.
Although there were a few sensible comments, most
of the discussion was aimless and negative.
Even constrained by the label applied in the editorial introduction,
“the constitutional crisis of the twenty-first century,” the discussion could
have been useful if it had focused on the assault on constitutional government
by the Trump administration, abetted by Republicans in Congress. The course the panel followed was not
helpful. With an authoritarian in the White
House, undermining respect for the Constitution is the last thing we need now.
____________________________
1.Some of the panel’s
comments quoted below are not in the order presented in the article.
2. I Have a Dream
speech, Washington D.C.,August 28, 1963
3. https://www.cnn.com/2019/09/24/uk/uk-supreme-court-parliament-judgment-in-full/index. html
4.
https://carnegieeurope.eu/2019/09/25/what-does-uk-s-supreme-court-ruling-mean-for-
brexit-pub-79919
